Why Supreme Court Must Reverse Itself (5) – Independent Newspaper Nigeria

Why Supreme Court Must Reverse Itself (5) – Independent Newspaper Nigeria


 (h) Injustice inherent in the cur­rent distribution of local councils in Nigeria. Why it is impossible for states to create (additional) local gov­ernments that will draw allocation from the Federation Account

Let us not forget that the Monitor­ing of Allocation to Local Govern­ments Act, 2005 was enacted, osten­sibly, to ensure that funds meant for local governments in Nigeria actually got to them without re-allocation or re­distribution (to new local councils not yet recognised by NASS) by the state governments. The Attorneys-General of Abia, Delta and Lagos challenged the Act at the apex court because of its general unconstitutionality and, most especially, its erosion of the fed­eral principle, which is the foundation that holds the edifice of this nation.

However, it is worth mentioning that the Monitoring of Allocation to Local Governments Act, 2005 did not emerge out of the blue; it has a history. It came against the backdrop of injustice manifest in the dispro­portionate creation of local councils across the country by the military regimes. Lagos, despite its sprawling population, has 20 local governments. Kano State has 44 local councils. Jiga­wa State, which was carved out from Kano State in 1991, has 27 local gov­ernments! Bayelsa State, despite its ginormous contribution to the Fed­eration Account, has only eight local governments!

In 2002, during the administration of Tinubu as governor, the Lagos State Government kick-started the process of creation of 37 additional lo­cal governments in line with the 1999 Constitution. On Saturday, 27 March, 2004, elections were conducted into the entire 57 Local Government Ar­eas. Ebonyi, Katsina, Nasarawa and Niger also created additional local councils. But the Obasanjo-led Fed­eral Government reacted with a letter dated April 8, 2024 to all the governors and local government chairmen, stat­ing in part: “As the National Assembly is yet to make the necessary consequen­tial provisions in respect of any of the newly created Local Government Ar­eas in the country, conducting election under or funding any of them from the Federation Account would clear­ly be a violation of the constitution. Consequently, no allocation from the Federation Account should henceforth be released to the Local Government Councils of the above-mentioned States and any other State that may fall into that category until they revert to their constituent Local Government Areas specified in Part I of the First Schedule to the Constitution.”

The Lagos State Government then proceeded to the Supreme Court to challenge the power of the Federal Government to seize allocation meant for – please pay attention! – Lagos State Government for its local gov­ernments. (see Attorney-General of Lagos State v. Attorney-General of the Federation (2004) 18 NWLR (Pt 904) 1)

In order to apprehend and appreci­ate the import of the Supreme Court decision of Friday, 10 December, 2004, I have placed side by side the counter reliefs or counterclaims of the Fed­eral Government (FG) against the Lagos State Government (LASG) with the verdict of the SUPREME COURT:

FG: “1. A declaration that the Plaintiff/Defendant to the Counter claims (LASG) has no power or right under the 1999 Constitution to abolish Local Government Areas created un­der the 1999 Constitution by altering their names, adjusting their bound­aries and dividing them into smaller units until the National Assembly has acted pursuant to the provisions of S. 8(5) of the 1999 Constitution.

SUPREME COURT: “The plain­tiff (LASG) has the power under Sec­tion 7(1) and 8(3) of the Constitution to create new Local Government Areas as done in Law NO.5 and the 2004 Law. The declaration sought is therefore refused.”

FG: “2. A declaration that the Plaintiff/Defendant to the Counter claims (LASG) has no power or right under the 1999 Constitution to create new local governments without re­course to the National Assembly as provided for under the constitution.”

SUPREME COURT: “The Plain­tiff (LASG) has the power under the Constitution to create new local gov­ernments but the local governments so created will not take effect or come into operation until the National Assembly passes an Act to amend section 3 (6) and Part I of the First Schedule to the Constitution. The dec­laration sought is therefore refused.”

FG: “5. A declaration that sections 1, 2 and 3 of the Local Gov­ernment Areas Law No. 5 of 2002 of Lagos State are in contravention of section 3 (6) and Part 1 of the First Schedule to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 and therefore are unconstitutional, null and void in so far as they purport to al­ter the provisions of the said section 3 (6) and part 1 of the First Schedule to the 1999 Constitution with respect to Lagos State of Nigeria.”

SUPREME COURT: “Section 1, 2 and 3 of the New Local Govern­ment Areas law No. 5 of 2002 in fact constitute the law which was enacted by the plaintiff in accordance with the provisions of section 7(1) and 8(3) of the Constitution. The Law is therefore valid even though it is not yet operative. Consequently, the decla­ration sought cannot be granted and is hereby refused.”

FG: “9. An order of injunction restraining the Lagos State Governor, the Lagos State House of Assembly or any functionaries or agencies of the Lagos State Government from main­taining, financing and recognising any local government in Lagos State apart from the ones created under Schedule 1 of the 1999 Constitution.”

SUPREME COURT: “The order to restrain the Lagos State Govern­ment, the Lagos State House of As­sembly or any functionaries or agen­cies of the plaintiff not to maintain, finance and recognise any Local Gov­ernment in Lagos State apart from those created under Part 1 of the First Schedule of the1999 Constitution is vague since the National Assembly could at any time it deems fit exercise its powers under Section 8(5) of the Constitution to amend section 3(6) and Part 1 of the First Schedule to the Constitution. Therefore the order cannot be granted and it is hereby re­fused.”

Now Sections 7(6)(a) and (b) of the 1999 Constitution provide that:

“(6) Subject to the provisions of this Constitution – (a) the National Assembly shall make provisions for statutory allocation of public revenue to local government councils in the Fed­eration; and (b) the House of Assembly of a State shall make provisions for statutory allocation of public revenue to local government councils within the State.”

Sections 8 (5) and (6) of the same Constitution provide that:

“(5) An Act of the National As­sembly passed in accordance with this section shall make consequential provisions with respect to the names and headquarters of State or local government areas as provided in sec­tion 3 of this Constitution and in Parts I and II of the First Schedule to this Constitution.

(6) For the purpose of enabling the National Assembly to exercise the pow­ers conferred upon it by subsection (5) of this section, each House of Assembly shall, after the creation of more local government areas pursuant to subsec­tion (3) of this section, make adequate returns to each House of the National Assembly.”

For obvious reasons, no state government since 1999 has been able to create (additional) local councils that can draw statutory allocation from the Federation Account. Since local governments depend on monthly allocation from the Federation Account, members of the National Assem­bly will be divided along ethnic and regional lines, with the aim of cornering the most financial resources to their respective states. In effect, local government is another unfair way created by the various military rulers to cor­ner financial resources from the Federation Account to their own states or regions.

We can see from the above why it is practically impossible for Lagos or any state in Nigeria to success­fully create additional local govern­ments that can draw statutory allocations from the Federation Account. Hence the injustice in­herent in the disproportionate creation of local councils by suc­cessive military regimes remains, in effect, permanent, except there is a constitutional amendment.

(1.4) Local government should be removed from the 1999 Consti­tution

As earlier submitted, local gov­ernments are not units of the feder­ating states. It is not surprising that the federal constitutions of 1954, 1960 and 1963 had no place for local councils, they being in the bowels of regional governments. I should mention, in passing, that before the incursion of the military into gover­nance, there was a multi-tier system of local government administration in Nigeria – the West (divisional, district, local) and the East (county, district and local), in particular. The 1976 Local Government Reforms, during the Gen Obasanjo regime, introduced a uniform, one-tier lo­cal government system across the country. That also marked the be­ginning of direct involvement of the Federal Government in local coun­cil affairs. Unfortunately, issues on local governments, however lim­ited, found their way into the 1979 Constitution and in the subsequent 1999 Constitution midwifed by the military. This is an aberration in our federal arrangement. Local government matters should be the exclusive preserve of state govern­ments. As a matter of fact, any state government can choose to turn ev­ery household within its territory into a local council. That should not be the headache of the central government. In this context, all pro­visions relating to local government administration should be expunged from the current Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Consequently, revenue allocation should be between the federal and state governments. In doing this, we could be guided by the first republic federal constitution, before the era of military distortions; specifically Sections 136 to 145 of the Constitu­tion of the Federation, 1963.

*To be continued next Thursday

(Read the online version of the column at www.independent.ng)

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Source: Independent

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