A major sore point in Nigeria’s trajectory is the palpable marginalization of the Igbo nation. Despite being one of Nigeria’s most influential ethnic groups, the Igbo people have faced systemic marginalization that touches nearly every aspect of national life from successive governments as if it is a state policy.
This pattern of marginalization is not just historical; it remains a painful, everyday reality for millions of the Igbo, particularly in the South-east of Nigeria.
One of the most glaring symbols of Igbo marginalization is the political structure of Nigeria itself. Only the South-east region is composed of five states, the fewest of any of Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones. By contrast, the North-west, a predominantly Hausa-Fulani region, has seven states.
The ripple implications of this imbalance are obvious, as it significantly affects federal resource allocation, representation in the National Assembly, and access to political power. In Nigeria’s system of governance, states serve as units of political influence; fewer states mean fewer senators, fewer representatives, and reduced federal resources. As a result, the South-east region receives a disproportionately smaller share of federal funding and political appointments.
Also, despite being home to some of Nigeria’s most industrious populations, the South-east suffers from severe infrastructural neglect. Roads, bridges, and public facilities across Igbo states are in near total disrepair, with little or no attention paid to revitalisation projects compared to other regions.
This infrastructural decay not only stifles economic growth but also reinforces a sense of abandonment among the Igbo population, who feel excluded from national development priorities, even though these are sponsored by loans they also contribute to repaying.
While the Igbo are known for their entrepreneurial spirit and economic resilience, they often face excruciating barriers that limit their economic potential. The South-east receives disproportionately low federal investments compared to other regions, particularly in industries like oil and gas, banking, and infrastructure development.
Despite being geographically close to Nigeria’s oil-rich Niger Delta, and parts of it oil-bearing the southeastern states have been largely excluded from benefiting directly from oil revenues or hosting major federal oil projects.
While cities like Lagos and Abuja attract substantial federal investments, southeastern commercial hubs such as Onitsha, Aba, and Nnewi—renowned for manufacturing and trade—receive minimal government support, leaving the private sector to fill gaps without adequate infrastructure or incentives.
Ndigbo living outside the South-east frequently report harassment, discrimination, and intimidation, particularly during periods of political unrest. During election seasons, there have been documented cases of voter suppression and intimidation, targeting Igbo communities in cities where many Igbo reside. Law enforcement agencies have also been accused of disproportionately targeting Igbo-dominated areas, with reports of harassment, unlawful arrests, and extortion. Business harassment is another issue, as Igbo traders in northern and southwestern markets often face discriminatory practices, including unfair taxation or violent attacks during political tensions.
In recent years, insecurity in southeastern Nigeria has worsened, fueled by both state and non-state actors. The region has faced a surge in violence from armed groups, which has made living in the region hazardous.
However, the Federal Government’s response has been criticised for being heavy-handed and overly aggressive. Military operations were launched specifically in southeastern states, leading to widespread human rights abuses, including arbitrary arrests, torture, and extrajudicial killings. The militarization of the region has intensified fear among ordinary civilians, leading to accusations that the government treats legitimate grievances with suppression rather than dialogue.
Travelling on South-east roads is a pernicious ordeal. Several roadblocks are mounted close to one another ostensibly to check hooligans but in reality toll points for extortion and harassment of innocent citizens. The federal authorities have elected to remain silent over the evils palpably perpetrated by its personnel against Igbo travellers.
This security crisis has contributed to an atmosphere of fear and instability, disrupting economic activities and pushing the region further into economic hardship. This was made worse by a misfiring sit-at-home order emplaced by the Independent People of Biafra but now hijacked by criminals, tagged as unknown gunmen, who capitalise on it to wreak havoc on the people.
Beyond political and economic marginalisation, the Igbo often feel culturally excluded from the national narrative. National appointments rarely reflect ethnic balance, with Ndigbo frequently underrepresented in key federal leadership positions, including the military, judiciary, and security services. Mainstream media narratives sometimes portray Igbo self-determination movements as inherently violent or destabilising, which deepens societal divides and alienates a population that feels misunderstood by the rest of the country.
Addressing the marginalisation of the Igbo people requires more than surface-level reforms; it demands genuine political inclusion, equitable resource distribution, and open dialogue to confront historical injustices. Infrastructure development, economic investment, and fair political representation must be prioritised to rebuild trust and promote national unity.
Nigeria’s strength lies in its diversity. Until every ethnic group, including the Igbo, feels truly included in the nation’s political, economic, and cultural landscape, the dream of a united Nigeria will remain elusive.
The problem of the Igbo also has an Igbo imprimatur. No doubt, Igbo people are renowned for their resilience, industriousness, and cultural pride, and have historically been seen as one of Nigeria’s most dynamic ethnic groups. From entrepreneurial achievements to educational excellence, the Igbo have left an indelible mark on Nigeria’s economic and cultural landscape.
Yet, beneath this proud legacy lies a more painful, often unspoken reality: internal divisions and self-sabotage that have, at times, weakened Igbo unity and fueled their marginalisation. These divisions, rooted in historical grievances, political rivalries, and economic competition, have often been exploited by external forces, deepening the fractures within the community and undermining collective progress.
One of the most significant issues undermining the Igbo cause is internal fragmentation. While the Igbo are known for their individual brilliance and entrepreneurial spirit, their political landscape is often characterized by competition and rivalry among influential leaders. Personal ambition, regional differences, and loyalty to different political parties weaken the collective bargaining power of the Igbo bloc on the national stage.
This lack of unity prevents the emergence of a strong, centralised leadership that can effectively represent Igbo interests in national politics. Unlike other ethnic groups, such as the Hausa-Fulani or Yoruba, who often rally around common political agendas, the Igbo frequently fail to present a united front, leading to lost opportunities for meaningful political influence. This is a misapplication of its republican spirit and ‘Igbo enwe eze’ (the Igbo have no king) mantra.
Strongly entrenched is the deep-seated mistrust among Igbo elites, who prefer to prioritise personal gain over the collective welfare of the community.
This internal competition often leads to the sabotage of promising political figures by fellow Igbo elites, who fear losing influence or relevance. Instead of supporting leaders who could advance the Igbo cause nationally, some factions undermine potential candidates, weakening their chances in broader political contests.
Several instances of Igbo self-sabotage include their susceptibility to manipulation by external political forces. These forces deliberately exploited internal schisms to weaken Igbo political cohesion. This tactic prevented the emergence of a strong Igbo bloc that could challenge the status quo in Nigeria’s power structure.
Decades of political exclusion from key national positions—such as the presidency—have also contributed to a sense of disenfranchisement, which sometimes fuels internal frustration and disunity. In pursuit of acceptance and advancement, some Igbo natives have shamelessly distanced themselves from their heritage, sometimes even denying their roots.
To overcome these challenges, the Igbo must prioritize unity, visionary leadership, and strategic alliances. This requires setting aside personal and regional differences to pursue a collective political agenda that serves the community’s long-term interests.
Strengthening cultural identity, fostering trust among leaders, and balancing economic success with political ambition will be crucial in reclaiming the Igbo’s rightful place in Nigeria’s future.
Rather than the headless pursuit of a fractured vision of the future, the South-east region should collaborate and concentrate on reclaiming its economic dominance through the revival of Igbo industry and manufacturing. This includes modernising traditional markets, investing in technology-driven industries, and promoting industrial clusters that can compete globally without recourse to an unwilling central government. Efforts should also be directed toward creating financial ecosystems supporting startups and small businesses, particularly in fintech, agriculture, and renewable energy.
Additionally, encouraging diaspora investment can play a transformative role. The global Igbo community possesses significant financial resources and expertise that could be harnessed for regional development. With stronger economic power, the Igbo will be better positioned to influence national policies and negotiate from a position of strength.