
If General Olusegun Obasanjo had retired all the professional military coup plotters or military politicians (‘militicians’) before handing over power to Alhaji Shehu Shagari on 1 October, 1979, Generals Muhammadu Buhari, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, Sani Abacha, Abdulsalam Abubakar, and Muhammed Gusau, would have been at best, forgotten top military officers in Nigeria.
However, Obasanjo did not. This was probably due to the military esprit de-corps, and his training that the military is superior to “bloody civilians”. Perhaps it was due to the then military distrust of civilian politicians. It could also be because he and his military colleagues were never fully committed to civilian rule. Probably, the ‘militicians’ were left to act as a check and counter force to the civilian politicians.
But since Obasanjo and his colleagues had refused to so act, why did Shagari also refuse to retire them, despite the immense pressure from politicians like Alhaji Umaru Dikko – a strong kitchen cabinet member, Adviser, and Minister of Transportation in the Shagari government? In my analysis, Shagari refused to act due to ethnic, religious and geo-political reasons.
Babangida might not have been worthy of any mention in Nigerian history and politics but for coup-making. At best, he would have been a mere “footnote”. He would not have had tales to tell us as he did in his book: A Journey in Service: An autobiography. But the reality is that he was Head of State, therefore, his autobiography must be interrogated, more so as it touches on our history and humanity.
The book is 420 pages, divided into five parts, and twelve chapters. It has a “Prologue”, an “Epilogue”, six “Appendixes”, a detailed “Index” and a patronising “Foreword” by retired General Yakubu Gowon.
The book is important as it confirmed what were widely known during the eight years of Babangida’s misrule. It also exposed the conquering and colonial mentality of the ‘militicians’ towards the civil population; and their vicious nature and character.
One can discern from the autobiography, the pain and tears ‘militicians’ brought on civilian and military families; and how they held Nigerians hostage. Equally of importance, the book exposed how military regimes posed serious danger to the military itself. In it, the critical reader will be able to understand Nigeria’s current crises, including the subversion of its federalism, democracy, and development.
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Yet the book is quite defective. First, the title, A Journey in Service…, is highly misleading. For one, Nigerians never elected Babangida to serve them. He and his fellow conspirators, first, terminated the Second Republic and imposed Buhari on us; and secondly, terminated Buhari’s regime and imposed Babangida.
Even after imposing himself on the nation, Babangida implemented his personal agenda, which was to perceptually remain in power; enriched himself, his colleagues and supporters; drag Nigeria to the IMF and World Bank; and implement the latter’s cancerous Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP). So Babangida serviced and served himself, his collaborators, and Western interests – not national interests!
When Nigerians protested against his fascist rule, continuous military misrule, and SAP in 1986, 1988, 1989, 1990, 1991 and 1992, amongst others, his regime arrested, detained, imprisoned, maimed, and killed many people. The fact that the protesters demanded for the termination of his rule, the cessation of military rule; an end to SAP and the restoration of civil democratic rule, were a confirmation that Babangida embarked on personal, not national, service.
So, the appropriate title of the book should be: My Failed Journey Towards the Destruction of Nigeria: An Autobiography. “Failed journey” because, despite the eight years of waste, rot and decay of his misrule, he could not destroy Nigeria.
This was mainly due to the popular resistance put up by democratic forces, especially the workers led by Comrade Ali Chiroma, the students led by the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS), the academia led Academic Staff Unions of Universities (ASUU), radical lawyers led the National Association of Democratic Lawyers and guerilla journalists.
Individuals like Alao Aka-Bashorun, Gani Fawehinmi, Olisa Agbakoba and Femi Falana, irritated the ‘militicians’ and internationalised the resistance. The resistance further generated serious contradictions within the military. Thanks also to ALMIGHTY GOD, who stood with the just, righteous, and the masses.
The autobiography basically contained nothing new. Besides, Nigerian news magazines of the era, especially Newswatch, The African Concord, The African Guardian, TheNews, Tempo, and Tell had given detailed information, reports, and critical analysis of the subject-matters of autobiography.
These publications additionally contained interviews, in which the friends, opponents, professionals, and the masses told their stories during Babangida’s misrule. They detailed the “history of everyday life” – sufferings, hardships, pains, cries, defiance, and hope, most of which Babangida failed to capture or reflect in his autobiography.
Even critical issue like the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential elections were portrayed dishonestly and propagandistically. The election result in the book was published by a few magazines and even distributed on the streets. The freeness, fairness, transparency, orderliness and credibility of the June 12 election were well reported in national and international media, attested to by national monitors and international observers. Therefore, Babangida’s acknowledgement that Abiola won the election is nothing new.
Furthermore, Babangida avoided discussing the calamitous legacies of his regime. These included the institutionalisation of the looting and plundering of our commonwealth and resources; the promotion of ethnic and religious hatred, division, and violence; and the further destruction of the public services, which General Murtala Ramat Mohammed initiated and was continued by other regimes.
Babangida’s autobiography is highly revisionist, propagandistic and full of tails. It is filled with little truth and much lies. In it, he merely attempted, but failed to rationalise his disastrous rule. He blamed others, especially the dead, for his greed, limitations, failure and misrule.
The desperation for public sympathy seems to be another major reason for writing the book. It therefore, is a revisionist attempt to re-write a major part of our history. It insults our collective memory.
There is therefore the need for the victims of Babangida to write their own stories, counter the tales, and expose the stories and issues he avoided in the book. There is also the need to compile into books the primary and secondary materials contained in various publications on Babangida’s eight years of disaster, destruction and pain. National and international conferences equally need to be organised to scientifically interrogate the Babangida Years and his revisionist autobiography.
These, amongst others, are proposed not in any way to popularise the book or even give Babangida any credibility – which he does not have. Rather, they are meant to expose the anti-democratic and anti-development policies and actions he pursued.
The goal is primarily to set the records straight, mobilise shame against what he stood for, and discourage others and future tyrants from telling us lies presented as “autobiography”. It is to tell others like him that nobody is greater and wiser than the people.
Ahmed Aminu-Ramatu Yusuf worked as deputy director, Cabinet Affairs Office, The Presidency, and retired as General Manager (Administration), Nigerian Meteorological Agency, (NiMet). Email: aaramatuyusuf@yahoo.com
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